On August 2nd, the UK’s Express reported that British special forces were dressing up as ISIS jihadis and conducting operations in Iraq and Syria. Idiotically describing the tactic as “unorthodox”, the Express journalists said that “more than 120 members of the elite regiment are currently in the war-torn country“. Such a strategy can seem justified to those with only an official understanding of the Middle East conflict – where ISIS are the ‘baddies’ and Western operatives are the ‘goodies’ – and a hopelessly naive belief in the benevolence of the British military. But when viewed in the context of actual British military history in ‘conflict zones’ over the course of the 20th century, this story takes on a much more sinister form.
Staying with the present for a moment, the claim that British special forces are in Iraq and Syria to “fight ISIS” is not credible. More than four years ago the anglo-American warmongers made it abundantly clear that they, in league with their head-chopping royal friends in Saudi Arabia, were determined to unseat Assad, even going as far as to fabricate WMD evidence (a la Saddam Hussein) to justify a NATO attack. When Russian diplomacy thwarted that effort, the US and British ‘elite’ fell back on the tried and tested ‘civil war’ of attrition by proxy forces, in an effort to oust Assad.
But Assad, democratically elected by the Syrian people, is reluctant to leave just because Washington, Riyadh, Whitehall and Tel Aviv want him too. And while Russian, Iranian and Lebanese help is still available, it seems that the West’s proxy army, aka the ‘Syria rebels’, are doomed to fight and die forever, or until the West’s supply of hired guns (or money) runs out.
Genetically averse to accepting the hard facts of any situation, the US and British ‘elites’ have recently declared their right to “attack ISIS positions” directly through manned US airstrikes from Turkish bases. The real point of these airstrikes however is revealed in the fact that the US claims the right to attack anyone who threatens the Pentagon-trained ‘Syrian rebels’, who are primarily fighting against Assad on behalf of the US, British and Saudi regimes. That, of course, is the main point of these airstrikes; a back-door attempt to justify US military attacks on the Syrian government and its military rather than “fighting ISIS”. It’s reasonable to conclude, therefore, that those British special forces dressed up as ISIS form part of the same strategy and are providing “boots on the ground” to support US airstrikes on Syria positions.
But a gang of UK special forces dressed up as jihadis presents other opportunities too. They could, for example, carry out attacks against anyone, including civilians if it was considered expedient, and blame it on ISIS.
Just yesterday, a truck bomb exploded in the Shiite Sadr city area of Baghdad, killing 54 people. “ISIS” claimed responsibility by way of an unverifiable online message, but the attack bolstered Western governments’ long-term plans to divide Iraq up into three separate states. The Pentagon recently ‘resigned’ itself to this policy it has been pushing for years, and former chief of US armed forces in Iraq, Gen. Raymond Odierno, also said as much in recent comments that were denounced by the Iraqi government.
But whatever these real-life ‘jihadi johns’ get up to, the British military’s extensive experience in dressing up its recruits as the enemy and sending them into a conflict to ‘stir things up’, will ensure they perform admirably, no doubt.
Two very British Basra Bombers
Tuesday, September 20th, 2005, was a remarkable day in Western mainstream media reporting. For the few minutes that it took to read reports of the rescue of two British military operatives from a Basra jail the day before, the essence of the nature of the modern British state was on display for all the world to see, if the world was so inclined. Most people weren’t, and aren’t, of course. And who can blame them? It’s an ugly picture.
The image above shows the two sorry-looking British SAS members after their arrest by Iraqi police in Basra. Dressed in full Arab garb and driving a civilian car full of explosives, the men fired on civilians and police officers before attempting to flee the scene. If all had gone to plan, soon thereafter a bomb would have exploded somewhere in Basra killing dozens of civilians, ‘al-qaeda’ would have taken the blame, and the British military’s image as ‘peace keepers’ and ‘terrorist fighters’ in Iraq safe-guarded.
But this was one of those rare times when things did not go to plan. In fact, things went decidedly pear-shaped.
The two would-be terrorists were arrested, confessed who they were, and admitted that they were carrying out a “special security task”. Iraqi authorities then made the huge mistake of informing British commanders that the men were being held at Basra’s Jamiat police station. Soon thereafter, up to 10 British tanks and several armored vehicles and support helicopters arrived, broke down the wall of the detention center and extracted the men. Members of Iraq’s Mehdi Army militia then engaged the British forces around the facility and burned one personnel carrier and an armored vehicle. Video of the incident showed dozens of Iraqis surrounding British armored vehicles and tossing gasoline bombs, rocks and other debris at them. At least seven Iraqi civilians were killed, and dozens injured, as a result.
There’s no need to explain what the two men were doing, other than to quote British authorities who told their Iraqi counterparts that the two soldiers were “performing an official duty”. The interesting question, however, is how many of the hundreds of other similar “al-qaeda” terror attacks and bombings that blighted Iraq throughout the years of Western occupation were also the work of British or American covert operatives carrying out “official duties” like these?
Ken Masters was posted to Iraq in April 2005 as the Commanding Officer of the Special Investigation Branch (SIB) of the Royal Military Police, which was tasked with investigating any possible offence committed by British forces, from unlawful killings to theft and drunkenness on duty. In this capacity, Captain Masters was responsible for investigating the circumstances of the arrest of the SAS jihadis in Basra on September 19th.
At 5.20am on October 14th, five days before the end of his tour of duty, Captain Masters sent an email to his wife. “Not long now. U and the girls are keeping me going, I can tell you. Love you all very much. Daddy xxxooo.” These were his last words to anyone, allegedly. At 7pm the next evening, fellow officers found him hanged in his room. AIG, the American insurance company contracted to provide life insurance to British soldiers serving in Iraq, refused to accept liability for Masters’ death because it “did not accept that he died in service“. Masters clearly did die in service, but not to the British policy of fake terror bombings and other crimes against humanity in Iraq.
Torture and Treason: the official duties of British military and intelligence operatives
The idea of a campaign of officially-sanctioned slaughter of civilians in Iraq by British military and intelligence personnel is pure fantasy to the average British citizen. To many citizens of Kenya, Cyprus, Malaysia and Northern Ireland however, it is cold, hard reality. In all of these countries (and others) the British government signed off on the direct or indirect torture and murder of innocent civilians by British military and intelligence assets, who often ran death squads to carry out their work. The purpose was always to justify continued British political, military and economic control of the country in question.
In its deep involvement in Northern Ireland’s ‘Troubles’, there is a wealth of hard data to strongly suggest that, far from attempting to fight the IRA, MI5 and MI6 focused on initiating and perpetuating the 30-year-long ‘sectarian’ conflict as an urban warfare and torture training ground for British military and intelligence personnel. British tactics involved the use of paramilitary groups and the Northern Ireland police force – the Royal Ulster Constabulary – to murder both Catholic and Protestant civilians. Many bombing attacks that were the work of British agents were falsely attributed to the IRA and even pro-British ‘loyalist’ paramilitaries. Occasionally, regular British soldiers openly committed mass murder.
The horrific revelations in recent years about high-level pedophile networks in the British ‘establishment’ have direct links to Northern Ireland. Central to those allegations is the Kincora boys’ home in Belfast that operated from 1958-1980. One of the Kincora house masters, William McGrath, was sentenced to four years in jail in 1981 for systematic sexual abuse of children in his care. McGrath was a member of the Orange Order and a far right ‘loyalist’ group known as ‘Tara‘ that sought to radicalize Northern Irish Protestantism in preparation for what he called a ‘doomsday’ scenario of outright civil war with Catholics.
McGrath’s activities must, however, be placed in the context of his role as an MI5 agent. Evidence suggests that in the late 1960s McGrath’s pedophilia became known to MI5, and from then on he served only one master. It is likely that McGrath’s appointment as house master at Kincora in 1971 was also at the behest of his MI5 handlers who used McGrath and Kincora (and other children’s homes) to provide an outlet for their own sadistic pleasure and that of many prominent Northern Irish and British political and paramilitary figures. According to victim Richard Kerr, boys from Kincora (and other homes) were regularly trafficked to London for the enjoyment of British politicians in places like Dolphin Square and the Elm Guest House. Control of these individuals through knowledge and evidence of their crimes was likely the main goal, along with pushing forward MI5’s ‘low level civil war’ agenda.
John McKeague, for example, was one of the founders of the Red Hand Commando, a loyalist paramilitary group that was responsible for dozens of murders of innocent Catholics in Northern Ireland in the 70s, 80s and 90s. McKeague was reportedly a regular participant in the child-raping sessions at Kincora. Shortly after being interviewed in 1982 by detectives investigating his involvement in Kincora, he was shot by the INLA, a Catholic nationalist paramilitary group. Two Irish and British journalists, Jack Holland and Henry McDonald have, however, stated that McKeague was killed by MI5 agents to prevent him naming Kincora regulars.
Former Chief of British Defence Staff and cousin to Her Majesty the Queen, Lord Mountbatten, has also been accused of child sexual abuse at Kincora and other homes north and south of the Irish border. While enjoying his yearly imperial holiday off the coast of Ireland’s County Mayo in the summer of 1979, Mountbatten was killed by an IRA bomb placed on his boat. Unless, of course, MI5 did it to silence him.
Labour government Prime Minister Harold Wilson (1964-1970, and 1974-1976) had been the target of a dirty tricks campaign that sought to portray him as a Communist and IRA sympathizer. There is also strong evidence to suggest that the Ulster Workers Council Strike of 1974 was an MI5 operation to help destabilize Wilson’s government. Certainly Wilson’s attitude towards Northern Ireland was not in keeping with MI5 and the British security establishment’s goal of perpetuating the violence. Wilson undoubtedly provoked the ire of the securocrats when he tabled a ‘doomsday plan‘ to cut all of the United Kingdom’s constitutional ties with Northern Ireland and transform the province into an independent dominion. In addition, Wilson didn’t like torturing young children, which made him more difficult to control.
In recent weeks, the name of former British Prime Minister Edward Heath has been added to the long list of British ‘elite’ accused of sexual abuse of children. Heath was Conservative Prime Minister for four years – June 1970 to March 1974 – between the two Wilson governments. As Prime Minister, Heath presided over the introduction of arbitrary detention without trial, and the use of torture against innocent civilians in Northern Ireland in 1971. This was during the heyday of Kincora and other child torture sites run by MI5. It is not inconceivable therefore that, around this time, a day in the life of the Rt. Hon. Edward Heath involved signing off on a memo approving torture of innocent Catholics in the afternoon, and then personally engaging in a spot of child torture in the evening at a Dolphin Square apartment.
Not only are all of these facts beyond doubt to any rational person, it is also certain that all of these facts were known to British intelligence and political chiefs at the time.
In July 2014, former British psychological warfare officer Colin Wallace said that he personally received intelligence in 1973 that boys at Kincora were being abused, but that his superior officers prevented him from acting on the information. He also said that the inquiries conducted to date into the abuse had not examined crucial evidence in MI5’s possession. In August 2014, another former intelligence officer, Brian Gemmell, said that he also had been ordered to stop investigating allegations of abuse at the home.
Faced with such clear evidence that the British state is, and has been for a long time, controlled and directed by a cabal of hateful, bloodthirsty psychopaths with a strong penchant for child-rape and murder, it’s not surprising that the response of the great British public has been somewhat muted. The process of discovering these horrific crimes has, almost invariably, been limited to the discovery of one official cover-up after another, going back decades. So when it also becomes clear to the public that these same ‘elite’ child rapists and war criminals are the ones in control of the investigative functions of the state – that they effectively investigate themselves – who but the most deluded would ever expect real justice to be served.